Who Says Universities are 'Hotbeds of Extremism'? By Zín Derfoufi

By Zín Derfoufi

The recent attempt of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, a Nigerian and UCL graduate, to blow up a plane has, once again, cast a spotlight over the activities of Muslim students in universities and reignited the debate over the extent of radicalisation on our campuses.

On the one hand, the likes of Douglas Murray (Centre for Social Cohesion), professor Anthony Glees and former Hizb-ut-Tahrir members, such as Rashad Ali, argue that universities are not only “hotbeds of extremism” but that the authorities are “failing miserably” to combat that threat. On the other hand, figures such as Usama Hasan, take a slightly less apocalyptic stance arguing that although extremism is not as widespread as it once was, Islamic Societies still contain radical elements and pose a great threat to national security.

However, neither of the two sides give an accurate representation of Muslim activities on UK campuses today. Indeed, such commentators frequently draw comparisons to the student radicalism present at universities 10-30 years ago and during their time in an attempt to strengthen their arguments. But by failing to appreciate the extent to which activities on campuses have changed since 7/7, let alone the 80-90s, they have failed to keep pace with the current discourse within universities.

Universities are obviously not the same places that they once were; universities know this and so too do their students. Universities are inherently dynamic. Their high student turnover means that the issues that affected students three-four years ago are not necessarily the same nor even feature amongst the top three priorities of students of today. Students are now far more concerned about being victims of the global recession than being victims of some elaborate global conspiracy.

Political participation amongst students have decreased dramatically where apathy is now rife with very few consciously involving themselves in student politics or wider socio-political issues. Even the levels of rivalry and partisanship between competing political and religious groups in universities at the turn of the century has diminished, which is a reflection of wider British society.

Ideological dividing lines have become blurred as movements have learned to evolve and moderate to appeal to an increasingly sceptical, individualistic and better informed consumer society. Many ideas died along the way. The propaganda spewed by al-Qaeda extremists is consistently challenged by many, including Islamic Societies, wherever encountered thus preventing them from gaining a foothold on campus.

Believe it or not, this issue of extremism in universities has already been debated on campuses across the UK and lost by the drama queens. Universities accept the reality that although there may be individual students holding extremist views, there is no evidence suggesting it is widespread or its being hosted by Islamic Societies.

Even in the case of Umar Farouk, all the evidence – as given by those in a position to know – including Qasim Rafiq, a friend; and Malcolm Grant, UCL’s president – suggests that he never showed any extremist tendencies during his studies, including during his presidency of UCL’s Islamic Society in 2006-7. The questions now being asked should revolve around what happened to him since he graduated and left London.

The presumed danger of Islamic Societies being run by extremist groups is grossly exaggerated since not only are student activities monitored by universities but as of 2005 in response to concerns over the activities of Hizb-ut-Tahrir, many students unions have barred them and any other groups considered extreme from organising on campus.

External commentators must stop automatically pointing the finger at Islamic Societies whenever any problem arises and remember that they are neither the only Muslim group on campus nor can they be held to account for the beliefs or actions of every Muslim student, particularly once they’ve graduated.

The limited exposure of such commentators to universities and modern student life hardly gives them an authoritative perspective of today’s situation on campuses across the UK. Therefore, at most, they can only provide a particular historical account of Muslim student activities. The situation and debate has moved on significantly over the last 5 years making their views of post 7/7 British universities inherently flawed let alone maintaining relevance on this side of the decade.